Should Damages in Public Procurement Hinge on Disappointed Bidders’ Commercial Interests? A Comment on Energy Solutions EU Ltd v Nuclear Decommissioning Authority

ASGDr Albert Sanchez Graells, School of Law, University of Leicester

In its recent Judgment of 23 January 2015 in Energy Solutions EU Ltd v Nuclear Decommissioning Authority [2015] EWHC 73 (TCC), the High Court ruled on a preliminary issue in a public procurement dispute and held that the review court has no discretion (not) to grant damages for losses resulting from a breach of the public procurement rules. In my view, the Energy Solutions v NDA Judgment should be criticised at least for two reasons: firstly, because it misinterprets the EU rules on public procurement remedies and their link with the general principle of State liability for breaches of EU law; and secondly, because it creates an analytical framework based on the commercial decisions of disappointed bidders that would result in excessive (strategic) claims for damages. Moreover, the Energy Solutions v NDA Judgment sheds light on an important shortcoming of the system of public procurement remedies that is perpetuated under the recently adopted Public Contracts Regulations 2015 (SI 2015/102). This comment addresses these issues in turn.

Background

The dispute arises after Energy Solutions (as part of a bidding consortium, but that is not relevant for our purposes) was not chosen as the winning bidder in a tender for a nuclear waste management contract with the Nuclear Decommissioning Authority (NDA). After expressing its disagreement with the award decision and seeking additional information in the ensuing debriefing process, Energy Solutions eventually challenged the tender procedure within the 30-day limit applicable under reg.47D(2) of the applicable Public Contracts Regulations 2006 (SI 2006/5, as amended, primarily by SI2009/2992). By the time the challenge was effected, NDA had already entered into a contract with the winning bidder. Energy Solutions sought compensation for the damages it alleged to have suffered as a result of the improper conduct of the tender procedure.

NDA tried to bar the damages action by arguing that a failure to challenge the award decision within the 10-day standstill period provided for under reg.32(3) Public Contracts Regulations 2006 (which could have prevented it from entering into the contract) broke the causal link between any breach of the applicable procurement rules and the ensuing damages (which, If any, would then derive from the tardiness of the challenge). NDA basically claimed that having foregone the possibility to prevent the award of the contract to another tenderer by activating the suspension foreseen in reg. 47G Public Contracts Regulations 2006, Energy Solutions had also lost the possibility to seek damages compensation. In support of that position, NDA submitted that, under reg.47J(2)(c) Public Contracts Regulations 2006, the review court retained discretion (not) to award damages resulting from a breach of public procurement rules in circumstances such as those in the case (ie the lost opportunity of litigating within the standstill period).

The High Court ruled against NDA on both points. Edwards-Stuart J found no basis for the

submission that any award of damages is dependent on the level of gravity of the breach, or any other such factor, and thus dependent on an exercise of judicial “discretion” or judgment, or whether, absent any failure to mitigate its loss, having proved a breach of the [public procurement rules] a claimant is entitled to anything other than damages that should be assessed by reference to ordinary principles. It may well be that the claimant’s conduct will have been such that the court will be very reluctant to make any assumptions in its favour in relation to damages, but that is simply an aspect of the usual approach of the court to the assessment of damages (para 86).

As mentioned above, this finding is open to criticism, both for its inconsistency with EU law and because it creates an analytical framework that may result in excessive claims for damages. Each of these issues is addressed in turn. The problem derived from the diverging duration of the standstill period and the time limit for the challenge of award decisions is discussed last, as it also affects the brand new Public Contracts Regulations 2015. Continue reading

Sanneh and Others – access to welfare for Zambrano carers

 

Dr Iyiola Solanke

If citizenship is the fundamental status for EU citizens, what is its substance for child citizens who are too young to enjoy the rights set out in Articles 21-23 TEU to work, travel, vote or petition the EP? What does the principle in EU law of ‘genuine enjoyment of the substance of citizenship’ mean if you are a child? And what are the implications for your parent or parents? These are central questions for a specific group of children now growing up across the EU – those who themselves hold EU citizenship but their parents do not. As stated in the Zambrano case,  the parents of such ‘Zambrano Minors’ derive a right of residence in the EU so that the child is not deprived of the genuine substance of Union citizenship. Although the Court of Justice has subsequently considered when this genuine enjoyment is impinged (Macarthy, Dereci, O & O) it has not made any remarks on the substance of citizenship rights for the children. It may be necessary for it to do so to prevent these children from being consigned to lives of poverty by national interpretation of its principle.

The Court of Appeal has delivered a decision concerning access by the parents of Zambrano Minors to social assistance. The parents challenged the Regulations adopted by the Coalition Government to incorporate the Zambrano principle into national law. Three Regulations were designed to specifically exclude these parents from rights to social assistance that they would otherwise have as lawfully resident persons. In line with its policy to make Britain hostile to immigrants, the Government decided that these parents should be in the same position as those who do not have a lawful right to reside. The ‘Amendment Regulations’ therefore exclude all ‘Zambrano Parents – those in work and those out of work – from income-related benefits including income support, jobseekers allowance, employment allowance, pension credit, housing benefit, council tax benefit, child benefit and child tax credit. The Home Office justifies this policy as a measure to prevent and deter ‘benefit tourism’ but the parents argued that this policy was a faulty application of the Zambrano principle and discriminatory under EU law. It was argued that a proper application of the principle called for them to be in the same position as other EU nationals.

The Justices agreed with the Home Office. Drawing upon the ‘effective citizenship principle’, they held that

  1. Rights derived from an EU citizen [3] are not EU rights [95]. Thus although ‘their status is derived from the EU citizenship rights of the child as interpreted by the CJEU’ ‘EU law has no competence in the level of social assistance to be paid to the carer’. This is ‘exclusively governed by national law’ [27];
  2. ‘Zambrano carers’ derive their right to reside from Article 20 TFEU and therefore fall outside the EU cross-border social benefits legislative scheme (the ‘EU CBSBL scheme’) set out in the Citizenship Directive, the Long Term residence Directive and the Family reunion Directive [42];
  3. ‘Genuine enjoyment’ does not ‘require the State to guarantee any particular quality of life’ [32 & 171] – a ‘Zambrano carer’ is protected from compulsion to leave but this does not provide as a corollary a right for parent and child to live free from want and poverty. Zambrano carers are not to be left ‘destitute’ but member states remain free to determine access to benefits where individual situations fall outside of the scope of EU Directives [83];
  4. The proportionality principle is irrelevant because the question is beyond the scope of EU law;
  5. The EU principle of non-discrimination in EU law and the ECHR is inapplicable.

Continue reading

A criticism of the CJEU’s ruling that allowing London taxis to use bus lanes while prohibiting private hire vehicles from doing so does not appear to involve State aid (Eventech, C-518/13)

Dr Albert Sanchez Graells, School of Law, University of Leicester

In its judgment of 14 January 2015 in Eventech (C-518/13, EU:C:2015:9), the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) ruled on the preliminary question referred by the Court of Appeal (England and Wales) in the Addison Lee “taxis in bus lanes” case [as part of the challenge of the High Court’s decision in Eventech Ltd (R on the application of) v Parking Adjudicator (2012) [2012] EWHC 1903 (Admin)]. The CJEU decided that allowing London taxis (black cabs) to use bus lanes while prohibiting private hire vehicles (PHVs) from doing so does not appear to involve State aid. While the Eventech judgment leaves a minimum scope for the Court of Appeals to find differently in view of the specific facts of the case and the parts of the file not referred to the CJEU, this is most likely the end of the dispute.

The decision comes at a time when the regulation of the taxi sector is under significant pressure due to the political and economic waves that sharing economy initiatives (such as Uber) create – or, in the words of AG Wahl in the Eventech Opinion, “taxis and PHVs are engaged in fierce competition with each other across Europe, and London is not the only city where conflicts have arisen” (EU:C:2014:2239, para 2). This is a sector where competition rules have always been difficult to enforce due to the heavy regulation to which it is subjected (OECD, Competition Roundtable on ‘Taxi Services: Competition and Regulation’, 2007). Some claim that it is a sector ripe for proper deregulation and liberalisation, while others claim the opposite [for recent discussion, see L Eskenazi, ‘The French Taxi Case: Where Competition Meets—and Overrides—Regulation’ (2014) Journal of European Competition Law & Practice, and Publicpolicy.ie, The Taxi Market in Ireland: To Regulate or Deregulate? (2014)]. The discussion on the State aid implications of certain privileges derived from such regulation in crisis, and particularly the privileged use of bus lanes, added one layer of complication that the CJEU seems to have been keen on taking off the table.

The legal dispute in front of the CJEU can be condensed to opposing views on whether allowing black cabs to use bus lanes while prohibiting PHVs from doing so infringed the prohibition in Article 107(1) TFEU. It can be further narrowed down to the two key issues of whether this policy involves a commitment of State resources and whether it confers on taxis a selective economic advantage. Both elements need to be present for the prohibition of Article 107(1) TFEU to apply. The CJEU found in the negative on both aspects and determined that the practice of permitting, “in order to establish a safe and efficient transport system, black cabs to use bus lanes on public roads during the hours when the traffic restrictions relating to those lanes are operational, while prohibiting minicabs from using those lanes, except in order to pick up and set down passengers who have pre-booked such vehicles, does not appear, though it is for the referring court to determine, to be such as to involve a commitment of State resources or to confer on black cabs a selective economic advantage for the purpose of Article 107(1) TFEU” (C-518/13, para 63).

In my view, the Eventech judgment is criticisable in both areas. It fails to address the issues of economic advantage and selectivity in a functional manner—not least because the analysis of the selectivity of the measure ultimately relies on an assessment of ‘equality’ or ‘comparability’ of the legal position of black cabs vis-à-vis PHVs that falls into a logic trap derived from the pre-existing regulation of black cabs. Moreover, the analysis of the element of transfer of State resources is very counterintuitive and seems to contradict both economic theory (particularly as the use of public goods is concerned) and the case law on access to essential facilities under private ownership.

The finding that State resources are not involved is partial and flawed

Following the Opinion of AG Wahl, the CJEU engages in a rather counterintuitive approach to the issue of the transfer of State resources, which focusses on whether the State is forfeiting revenue by not charging black cabs for access to the bus lanes or by not imposing fines on them when they use the bus lanes, as it does with PHVs (judgment, paras 36-46). This approach comes from the AG Opinion, where he had decided to assess the question from the perspective of the regulatory powers of the Member State and fundamentally concluded that, in the exercise of those regulatory powers, there is no obligation to impose a charge for access to public infrastructure (Opinion, paras 24-35). Continue reading

Case Comment: McCarthy (C-202/13) (Grand Chamber), 18th December 2014

Catherine Taroni

Context

This case was referred from the High Court R (on the application of McCarthy and ors.) v the Secretary of State for the Home Department [2012] EWHC 3368 (Admin), and considered the applicability of Directive 2004/38 to situations not traditionally falling within the concept of a Union citizen moving to another Member State, and derivative rights for third-country family members.

The O and B decision of the CJEU had addressed some issues in relation to the rights of TCN family members of EU citizens residing in their home Member State, and this case sought to address the issue of what can be required of third-country national family members of EU citizens entering the UK.

Facts

Mr McCarthy is a dual UK/Irish national, his wife is a Colombian national, and their daughter is also a dual UK/Irish national. Mr McCarthy has lived in Ireland for 52 years, only residing in the UK for six years, from 1967 – 1973. The family has lived in Marbella, Spain since May 2010 where they own a property; they also own a house in the UK, to which they regularly travel. Mrs McCarthy has to travel to Madrid to renew her family permit every time she wishes to travel to the UK with her family. She has been refused permission to board flights to the UK when she has presented her residence card without the family permit.

The Secretary of State for the Home Department issued guidance to carriers to discourage them from transporting TCNs who are not in possession of a residence permit issued by the UK authorities. Under section 40 of the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999, a carrier who fails to meet that requirement is required to pay a ‘charge’.

The Advocate General’s Opinion

AG Szpunar gave his Opinion on 20th May 2014, and argued that the provisions of Directive 2004/38 should apply by analogy to the current situation, which involved visits to the UK, where Mr McCarthy is a national, rather than to a Member State of which he was not a national. The Advocate General advised the Grand Chamber that the UK is in breach of free movement law in relation to the requirement of the family visa In addition to residence card, and that the UK’s Frontier Protocol did not give it an opt out in relation to restricting fundamental free movement principles. Continue reading

After Opinion 2/13: how to move on in Strasbourg and Brussels?

John Morijn

In its recent Opinion 2/13 the Luxembourg Court found that plans for the EU to accede to the ECHR are not compatible with Union law as it currently stands. This ruling has been critically received, including on this blog (see here (Lock), here (Besselink), here (Michl), here (Douglas-Scott), here (Peers) and here (O’Neill)). The immediate focus has been on how the Opinion should be evaluated as a matter of Union law and followed up inside the EU. To that effect it has been suggested that the draft accession treaty would need renegotiation, or that a text with Treaty status (a Protocol) should be added to the existing EU Treaty texts which would themselves be left intact. Are other options available too in Brussels, for example freezing accession ambitions for a while or changing existing Treaty texts?

Clearly, no matter what solution is eventually found, it will (once again) take years. This raises another important prior question: what is the Strasbourg Court likely to do until an EU accession solution 2.0, or any EU-internal alternative is in place? In particular, will Opinion 2/13, and its revealing reasoning for how the Luxembourg Court currently views the place of human rights protection in Union law and the leeway that Member States have in diverting from Union law if their ECHR obligations so require, have implications for the Strasbourg Court’s “EU approach” (see here and here for its own factsheets regarding its general approach and that in Dublin cases)? This contribution offers some first reflections on moving on in Strasbourg and Brussels.

The Opinion: first a step back

It is quite understandable that the Luxembourg Court’s ruling has met with considerable disappointment. It has been suggested that it has prioritised the protection of its own position over EU human rights protection. But, taking a step back, perhaps this time there was actually (also) a veritable case for “blaming Brussels” too. For were the instructions laid out in the Treaty and the Protocols sufficiently clear to begin with? Is it at heart at all possible to establish independent external judicial review, apparently for reason that human rights protection was felt not to be properly safeguarded in the existing set-up (article 6 TEU), without redistributing competences to the disadvantage of the Luxembourg Court (Protocol 8)? In other words, if the whole point of accession actually was to change something in the institutional design of the EU, the make-up of legal remedies and even the way in which Union law had been interpreted so far by the Luxembourg Court, why not state that more clearly from the outset? From that perspective the Opinion by the Court may be a reflection of the convoluted drafting of the EU accession instructions by the Herren der Verträge.

Looking at the state of affairs from another perspective, perhaps the fact that it is now “back to the drawing board” is also a unique second (or third) chance to ask the basic prior question of the Lisbon Treaty text: quite how can the application of an EU internal human rights document (the Charter) that the Luxembourg Court is under an obligation to apply, be combined with external judicial review by the Strasbourg Court of the EU’s (including the Luxembourg Court’s) performance with regard to the ECHR, if that ECHR and the way in which it is interpreted are themselves part (but only part) of the normative content of the Charter? This is not an easy one. A binding Charter and EU accession, it should be remembered in this context, were initially alternative solutions to “fill the EU human rights gap”. Only later did they become cumulative elements in the EU treaties, as a “solution” without a prior problem analysis justifying this double-headed approach. Yet, curiously, given the great stress accorded to EU accession so far their development has somehow remained unconnected. Additional instructions on how to dovetail their two separate logics may be unavoidable.

Then Opinion 2/13 itself. In fact, by the standards of any Court ruling, it offers a surprisingly candid, concise and (mostly) clear analysis. Some of us may not like what we read, and some cross-translation from Union law to human rights law expertise may be required to clarify its full significance, but it is extremely helpful for considering future directions in Strasbourg and Brussels. In particular the reasoning under the headings “preliminary considerations” (par. 153-177) and “the specific characteristics and the autonomy of EU law” (par. 179-200) is revealing in a number of different respects, including with regard to

  • the Court’s extension of its Melloni-reasoning to ECHR Member States’ freedom to go beyond what is required by ECHR minimum norms, as well as further (unstated) implications of this reasoning with regard to interpreting the Charter and the ECHR side-by-side, and
  • the Full Court’s approach to mutual trust in the EU in the light of EU Member States’ parallel ECHR commitments, and its reference to the 2011 Luxembourg Grand Chamber ruling in NS.

These two elements will be briefly highlighted below. I agree with Scheinin that in thinking about responses to the Court’s Opinion it seems more fruitful to consider these (and many other relevant) elements of the analysis rationally, in the light of the broader questions of post-Lisbon Union human rights protection architecture, rather than being stuck in disappointment for too long. Continue reading

Kaltoft – a step (in the wrong direction?) towards protection from weight discrimination under EU law

Dr Iyiola Solanke

Over the last two to three decades the prevalence of overweight and obese[1] people has become a major public health issue across countries, age-groups, class, race and ethnicity. As long ago as 2003, research estimated that 61% of Americans were overweight, and 20% were obese. In 2006, the OECD ranked Britain’s overweight and obesity rate (62%) as the worst in Europe and the third-worst in the world, behind Mexico (69.5%) and the U.S (67.3%). In 2008, more than 1.4 billion adults were overweight, including over 200 million obese men and nearly 300 obese million women. More than 40 million children under the age of five were overweight in 2011. Children and adults are getting fatter.

The rise in body size is a public health issue because of its cost: medical experts link numerous ailments to excess weight, such as diabetes, angina, osteoarthritis, stroke, gout, gall bladder disease, breast cancer, cancer of the colon and ovarian cancer. Overweight and obese people are said to be more prone to heart disease, stroke, high blood pressure, diabetes, chronic depression and many other life threatening conditions. An overweight child is likely to become an overweight adult. The cost to the public purse could be billions of pounds.

The CJEU has now confirmed that obesity is also a matter for equality law. EU law does not formally prohibit fattism – like other public health issues, this remains within the competence of the member states[2] – but in the first case of its kind, the CJEU decided that discrimination on the grounds of obesity can fall within the disability strand of the Equal Treatment Directive 2000/78. This was stated in answer to questions arising before a Danish court during a case concerning the weight of a childminder.

Kaltoft

Mr Kaltoft was hired by the Municipality of Billund in 1998 on a permanent contract as a childminder. He was obese at the time of his initial employment and, despite periods of weight loss, remained such throughout his 15 years in this post. From March 2010, he appeared to be under informal review, being visited by his boss and asked about his weight. During 2010, when the number of children in Billund fell, he was given fewer children to look after. That same year, he was chosen to be dismissed. When Kaltoft asked why he was the only childminder to be dismissed, he was told it was due to his decreased workload. Kaltoft was convinced that it had something to do with his weight.

His trade union brought an action before the District Court seeking compensation for him, arguing that he had been subjected to weight discrimination. The Danish court stayed proceedings to ask the CJ four questions, of which only the first and fourth were answered: whether it is contrary to EU law (for example Article 6 TEU on fundamental rights) for a public-sector employer to discriminate on grounds of obesity in the labour market; and whether obesity could be deemed to be a disability covered by Directive 2000/78/EC.

The first question was dealt with relatively swiftly: the Fourth Chamber of the Court of Justice did not emulate the boldness of the Grand Chamber in Mangold but citing Chacon Navas and Coleman declared that ‘EU law must be interpreted as not laying down a general principle of non-discrimination on grounds of obesity as such…’[40]. The Fourth Chamber then considered whether obesity is a disability. Its reasoning began from the purpose of Directive 2000/78: to set out a ‘general framework for combating discrimination, as regards employment and occupation, on any of the grounds referred to in that article, which include disability.’ It then noted the meaning of direct discrimination in this Directive and its scope of application – per Article 3(1)(c) it covers all persons in the public and private sectors, and all phases of employment including dismissals. Citing HK Danmark and Glatzel, where the CJ – taking inspiration from the EU ratification of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities – stated that

53…the concept of ‘disability’ must be understood as referring to a limitation which results in particular from long-term physical, mental or psychological impairments which in interaction with various barriers may hinder the full and effective participation of the person concerned in professional life on an equal basis with other workers

It concluded that in order to be compatible with Directive 2000/78, the concept of ‘disability’ a)‘must be understood as referring not only to the impossibility of exercising a professional activity, but also to a hindrance to the exercise of such an activity’ [54] and moreover that b) the concept had to be open-ended in relation to the ‘origin of the disability’ [55] – it could not be dependent upon ‘the extent to which the person may or may not have contributed to the onset of his disability.’ [56] Thus while obesity itself is not a ‘disability’ within the meaning of Directive 2000/78 [58], it decided that obesity could be covered by the concept of ‘disability’ in that Directive where

  1. ‘the obesity of the worker concerned entails a limitation which results in particular from physical, mental or psychological impairments that in interaction with various barriers may hinder the full and effective participation of that person in professional life on an equal basis with other workers, and the limitation is a long-term one, obesity can be covered by the concept of ‘disability’ within the meaning of Directive 2000/78.
  2. Such would be the case, in particular, if the obesity of the worker hindered his full and effective participation in professional life on an equal basis with other workers on account of reduced mobility or the onset, in that person, of medical conditions preventing him from carrying out his work or causing discomfort when carrying out his professional activity.

It was left for the Danish court to decide whether, despite the fact that he was able to work effectively for 15 years as a childminder, his obesity during his term of employment nonetheless limited Kaltoft in the way envisaged by the EU concept of ‘disability’. He would then have to prove that his dismissal was because of his obesity. Continue reading

Case C-364/13 – Patentability of embryonic stem cells and parthenotes: Inherently Uncertain?

plomerAurora Plomer

On 18th December 2014, the Grand Chamber of the CJEU revisited the scope of the moral exclusion on industrial and commercial uses of “human embryos” in Article 6(2) (c) in Directive 98/44/EC on the legal protection of biotechnological inventions (Biotech Directive) and held that the exclusion does not cover unfertilized human eggs produced by parthenogenesis (parthenotes).

The referral followed the refusal of the UKIPO to grant two national patents to International Stem Cell Corporation (‘ISCO’) [2013] EWHC 807 (Ch) on the ground that the patents fell within the definition of the term ‘human embryo’ adopted by the Grand Chamber in Brüstle (EU:C:2011:669) .     The first patent, GB0621068.6, entitled “Parthenogenetic activation of oocytes for the production of human embryonic stem cells” covered both the methods for producing pluripotent human stem cell lines from parthenogenetically-activated oocytes and the stem cell lines themselves.   The second application GB0621069.4 , entitled “Synthetic cornea from retinal stem cells” similarly included claims to methods and ‘product-by-process’. The UKIPO applied the Grand Chamber’s reasoning in Brustle that parthenotes were ‘capable of commencing the process of development of a human being just as an embryo created by fertilisation of an ovum can do so’ and therefore fell within the meaning of paragraph 36 of the judgment in Brüstle (C‑34/10, EU:C:2011:669). ISCO appealed on the grounds that, according to current scientific knowledge, mammalian parthenotes can never develop to term because, in contrast to a fertilised ovum they do not contain any paternal DNA, which is required for the development of extra-embryonic tissue (para 17). In this light, the High Court of Justice (England & Wales), Chancery Division (Patents Court), decided that the appeal “raised a question of considerable importance. What is meant by the term “human embryos” in Article 6(2)(c) of the Biotech Directive? In particular, what was meant by the CJEU in Brüstle by the expression “capable of commencing the process of development of a human being”? Does that contemplate the commencement of a process which must be capable of leading to a human being? Or does it contemplate the commencement of a process of development, even though the process cannot be completed, so that it is incapable of leading to a human being?” (At para. 3).

Continue reading

A Tale of Two Referendums

Aidan O’Neill QC

Reflecting on the French Revolution in the opening lines of A Tale of Two Cities, Charles Dickens wrote:

“It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness, it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity, it was the season of Light, it was the season of Darkness, it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair, we had everything before us, we had nothing before us, we were all going direct to Heaven, we were all going direct the other way…”

This passage may serve equally well as a description of the competing claims that were made by the opposing sides in this year’s Scottish independence referendum.

The pro-independence campaign claimed that voting for an independent Scotland would open the way to the best of times, to the age of wisdom, to the epoch of (self)-belief, to the season of Light, to the spring of hope, in which Scots would have had everything before them and which would lead directly to an earthly (Caledonian) paradise.

The pro-union campaign, in response, struck a primarily negative note, seeming unable to find the words to sing the virtues of a British union continuing into the future.   Instead, they said that an independent Scotland would open the doors to the worst of times, that voting in favour of separation would be an act of foolishness and of self-delusion which the voters in Scotland would live to regret in a winter of despair, with nothing before them but a road paved with good intentions and broken dreams.

I fear that similarly competing and irreconcilable claims will be made by the opposing sides in the campaign around the anticipated referendum on the United Kingdom’s continuing membership of the European Union, following the coming general election.   Those wishing the UK to break from the EU will doubtless extol the mythic virtues and heroic vigour of Albion unbound. Those advocating the UK’s continued membership of the EU – like those who campaigned for Scotland’s to stay in the (British) Union – will find it difficult to articulate a positive vision of Europe which will resonate with (particularly English) voters and will, instead, fall back on emphasising the economic dangers and market uncertainties which will come with our “turning our back on Europe” and falling prey to those vices etymologically associated with island life: isolationism and insularity. Continue reading

Review: EU Law and Integration: Twenty Years of Judicial Application of EU Law, José Luís Da Cruz Vilaça

Joelle Grogan, University of Oxford

EU Law and Integration is a collection of articles written by the author over the course of his eminent career as an academic, an Advocate General, the first President of the Court of First Instance (now the General Court), and now as a Judge at the Court of Justice of the European Union. Some of the contributed articles have been translated from their original language of publication, while others have been written with collaborators. Divided into sections broadly concerning EU constitutional law; the judicial structure of the EU; judicial protection of individuals; competition and state aid; and more general studies in law and economic integration in the EU, this volume has a very broad scope.

As a judge, and an academic, the author provides practical insight as well as keen analysis into the areas of the law upon which he focuses. Articles concerning the judicial architecture of the Union provide some of the most interesting reading in the volume. Writing the Foreword to the book, the Vice-President of the Court of Justice of the EU, Koen Lenaerts, aptly refers to this section as the ‘cornerstone’ of the volume. The author’s analysis of the problems facing the Court of First Instance in its first year has particular historical value and relevance, as he was the founding President of the Court. It is interesting to read – with hindsight – of the first struggles of the Court in terms of administration and the preparation of rules of procedure. The author’s rationalisation of the relatively long length of CFI judgments is illustrative of how the Court of First Instance viewed its duties with regard to the appellate jurisdiction of the Court of Justice. The concluding perspectives on the future of judicial architecture of the EU are also interesting as the author advocated incremental, rather than radical, changes in the judicial system, and the reader is sometimes left to wonder what conclusions he would make in light of the Lisbon Treaty reforms (and whether they were not reforms in name only), and the push towards judicial networking.

Seminal cases concerning economic integration feature prominently in the work, and readers are well advised to read the author’s consideration of the impact of the Pfizer case on the Precautionary Principle in EU law. The author illustrates the early caution show by the Courts which clearly advocated a prudential approach as regards determining the risks for human and animal health, and the environment. While the author acknowledges that this judicial approach probably did not pave the way to the ultimate systemic application of the principle, it did clearly foreshadow it. Readers, however, might be curious as to how the author would consider the Precautionary Principle’s current status under Article 191 TFEU, which does not feature in the republished 2004 article.

This absence of reference to the Lisbon Treaty reforms leads to an issue the reader may experience with this collection. Republished material can seem out-dated, especially in the fast-evolving European Union. Analysis and insight, while apt, would have benefitted in some articles from an updated account, or at least reference to the current situation. The cases analysed in this book, while seminal (for example Keck and Mithouard, Azores, and Alpine Investments) have had a new life in the courts which is not addressed by the book, leaving the reader at some points feeling as if they are missing part of the story. One further example of this is that ‘current case law’ of state aid relates to cases from, at the most recent, 2006. The absence of important reforms to the law over the last five years, most notably in light of Lisbon, also do not feature at all in the book, which can appear odd to the contemporary lawyer. Continue reading

EU Free Movement as a Legal Construction – not as Social Imagination

Daniel Thym

Monetary union demonstrates that some EU projects are realised without preparation for all eventualities. In the case of the euro, the financial crisis revealed lacunae in the field of economic and budgetary supervision, which the euro countries had to bridge through the introduction of new instruments. In the case of Union citizenship the legal gaps are less dramatic, but nonetheless visible – in particular with regard to access to social benefits for persons who do not work. It was these uncertainties that the European Court of Justice (ECJ) had to confront in the Dano judgment of last Tuesday. It opts for a surprisingly conventional solution, which abandons earlier attempts to conceive of Union citizenship as a projection sphere for political visions of a good life and just society.

The European Court of Justice as Legal Technician

A reminder of the debate about the Free Movement Directive demonstrates the absence of clear political guidance. Initially, the EU Commission had suggested to lay down explicitly that Union citizens who do not work should not have access to social benefits during the first five years of their stay in another EU country (Art. 21.2). It later abandoned the project after the ECJ had ruled in Grzelczyk that similar provisions on study grants do not pre-empt recourse to the Treaty guarantee of non-discrimination. As a result, the final version of the Free Movement Directive reiterated existing Treaty rules, whose precise bearing for people like Ms Dano remained unclear. Otherwise put, there was never a positive political agreement at EU level on the status of Union citizens who do not work. This shifted the responsibility upon judges to resolve open questions.

Judges in Luxembourg used this room for manoeuvre for progressive decisions on various occasions. Judgments such as Grzelczyk, Martínez Sala, Collins, Trojani, Bidar, Vatsouras and Ruiz Zambrano constitute the most ambitious and tantalising line of case law in recent memory. They are characterised by an attempt to breathe life into the abstract Treaty provisions on Union citizenship by granting equal access to social benefits for various categories of economically inactive citizens irrespective of the limits laid down in secondary legislation. It would have been possible for the Court to decide the Dano case differently under recourse to the argumentative arsenal of these judgments.

That did not happen. For more than a decade, the ECJ had ignored the arguments put forward by his most outspoken academic critic, Kay Hailbronner – but they now dominate its reasoning on why citizens like Ms Dano cannot claim social benefits. This presents us with a noteworthy shift of emphasis from a promise of equality inherent in EU citizenship towards the ‘limitations and conditions’, which primary law had always provided for (Art. 21.1 TFEU). Judges abandon the aspirational underpinning of the citizenship concept to the benefit of conventional doctrinal arguments such as the wording or the systematic structure. In short, the Court turns into a legal technician.

Anuscheh Farahat criticises the Court’s outcome and, yet, she follows a similar path as the ECJ, when she argues that the technical rules on inter-state social security coordination mandated a different outcome. It is not convincing to maintain that this specialised field of secondary law should have defined the answer, not least since doing so would have required the Court to disconnect the interpretation of the non-discrimination principle in Article 4 of Regulation (EC) Nr. 883/2004 from primary law. A fundamental question, such as this one, should be answered primarily on the basis of the EU Treaties and the citizenship concept – even by those who disagree with the Court’s conclusion.

It seems to me that the outcome of the Dano case is no coincidence. Judges in Luxembourg are not autistic and listen to the general political context. The Pringle judgment on the compatibility of the ESM Treaty with the rules on monetary union was a case in point – and the same held for the Förster ruling, in which the Court shied away from open conflict with the EU legislator, when it accepted a five-year waiting period for access to study grants for incoming EU students in line with the Free Movement Directive. The Grand Chamber deciding the Dano case will have considered potential implications of its judgment for the overall support for the integration project at a time, when eurosceptic political parties are on rise across the continent, not only in the United Kingdom. Continue reading