After AMS: remaining uncertainty about the role of the EU Charter’s principles

Jasper Krommendijk

On 15 January 2014, the CJEU issued its long awaited judgement in the case of AMS (Case-176/12 [2014]) in which it concluded that article 27 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union does not have horizontal effect and can thus not be invoked in a dispute between private parties. This blog entry examines the judgments as well as the -different- Opinion of the Advocate General.

I. Facts and judgment

AMS is an association governed by private law. Its main objective is reintegration of unemployed persons. It challenged and consequently suspended the appointment of Mr. Laboubi as a trade union representative. AMS was of the opinion that this appointment was not required since AMS only had 11 staff members. The French Labour Code only obliges the appointment of a representative for workplaces with more than 50 employees. In its calculation, AMS excluded between 120 and 170 employees with particular contracts (‘accompanied-employment’) from the calculation. This practice was in line with the French Labour Code (Article L. 1111-3). The trade union argued that the latter provision was not in accordance with Directive 2002/14 providing for the consultation of employees. Nonetheless, the trade union could not invoke the Directive, because of the prohibition of horizontal direct effect in legal disputes between private parties, as the case in hand. The trade union thus based its argument on Article 27 of the Charter dealing with workers’ right to information and consultation within the undertaking:

Workers or their representatives must, at the appropriate levels, be guaranteed information and consultation in good time in the cases and under the conditions provided for by Union law and national laws and practices.

In that light the Cour de Cassation in April 2012 referred preliminary questions to the CJEU asking whether article 27 can be invoked in a dispute between private parties. Continue reading

Fundamental Rights and the UK’s Balance of Competences Review

Catherine Taroni

The Ministry of Justice issued a Call for Evidence for a review on the balance of competences between the UK and EU in relation to fundamental rights on 21 October 2013, with the deadline for submitting evidence being 13 January 2014.

The Fundamental Rights Review is part of a broader series of reports on EU competence taking place between 2012-14, aiming to deepen public and Parliamentary underst­­anding of the nature of our EU membership, among other things.  The Call for Evidence seeks answers to 14 questions ranging from the quite specific “What evidence is there that the Fundamental Rights and Citizenship programme provides value for money?” to more far reaching questions covering whether there is any benefit to individuals/business/public sector/other groups within the UK from the Charter of Fundamental Rights, issues of competence creep, and potential consequences for the UK following EU accession to the ECHR.

The Call for Evidence

The approach of the Review is to give an outline of what fundamental rights are, put them in an international context and essentially summarise a brief history of fundamental rights protection in Europe – from the ECHR and from various EU mechanisms.  The Fundamental Rights Review is potentially very important – the stated aim of the Balance of Competences reviews is to audit what the EU does and how it affects the UK government and those residing within the UK more generally.  The main website can be found hereContinue reading

Is Costa v Enel forgotten? CJEU trips over supremacy and direct effect in case concerning Art 41(2)(c) CFREU (C-313/12)

Dr Albert Sanchez Graells

This comment originally appeared on Albert’s personal blog http://howtocrackanut.blogspot.co.uk/

In its Judgment of 7 November in case C-313/12 Romeo, the Court of Justice of the EU issued an important ruling concerned with the extension of the obligation to state reasons derived from Article 41(2)(c) of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU in purely domestic situations.

In the case at hand, the CJEU was especifically presented with a query regarding the compatibility with Article 41(2)(c) CFREU (and, more generally, with the case law on the duty to state reasons) of an Italian rule whereby faulty administrative decisions would not be quashed if the authorities supplemented their statement of reasons in subsequent court proceedings.

In my view, the reasons offered by the CJEU to decline jurisdiction to respond to the questions referred by the Italian court show a poor understanding of (or a lack of willingness to give effect to) the changed nature of the Charter after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. As very clearly stated, ‘the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights is now legally binding, having the same status as primary EU law‘ [for discussion, see S Douglas-Scott, 'The European Union and Human Rights after the Treaty of Lisbon' (2011) Human Rights Law Review 11(4): 645-682].

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Case Comment: C-86/12 Alopka

Catherine Taroni

Context

The seminal decision in Zambrano relied upon Article 20 TFEU as a source of residence rights independent of secondary legislation.  The CJEU has so far not been willing to extend its application, and Alopka was another failed attempt to rely upon Article 20 TFEU.

Background

Alopka concerned a Togolese national with French children (born in Luxembourg) and a dispute regarding a refusal to grant Ms Alopka a right of residence and an order for her to leave Luxembourg.  Ms Alopka and her children were reliant on the State although she had been offered a job, which her lack of residence and work permits prevented her from commencing.

The Advocate General’s Opinion

Advocate General Mengozzi differentiated the case from Zambrano as the Union citizen children here did not hold the nationality of the Member State of residence, and therefore fell within the scope of Article 3(1) of Directive 2004/38.  Unlike in Chen, Ms Alopka did not possess sufficient resources for herself and her children so as not to rely on Luxembourg’s social security system.  AG Mengozzi considered that ‘sufficient resources’ for the purpose of Article 7(1)(b) of the Directive were capable of being satisfied by the definite prospect of future resources which would stem from the offer of a job of unlimited duration.  He suggested that the referring court should, in principle, examine the job offer with a view to determining whether the Union citizen children would have sufficient resources under the Directive should Ms Alopka commence work.

The Advocate General did not consider that the Charter of Fundamental Rights could result in the conditions of residence under the Directive being relaxed or disregarded either in order to protect a child’s best interests (Article 24) or due to respect for family life (Articles 7 and 33 of the Charter), as this would mean disregarding the limits to Article 21 TFEU.

Following Iida, where the CJEU interpreted the right derived by a national of a non-Member State who is a non-dependent direct relative in the ascending line of a Union citizen child as falling outside the scope of Directive 2004/38 and being based solely on Article 21 TFEU, the Advocate General suggested that if the referring court were to find that Ms Alopka’s children satisfied the conditions laid down in Article 7(1)(b), then their mother could derive a right of residence based on Article 21 TFEU, rather than from the Directive. Continue reading

Radu – A Case of Failed Dialogue

Anita Davies

The CJEU handed down its decision in Ministerul Public – Parchetul de pe lângă Curtea de Apel Constanţa v Ciprian Vasile Radu last week. In summary, the Court was asked to clarify the extent to which countries are required to take into account rights to a fair trial and liberty when considering whether to execute an a European Arrest Warrant (EAW). It is a short and somewhat surprising judgment, which does not sit well either with the Court’s decision in NS v Secretary of State for the Home Department last year, the original opinion of Advocate General Sharpston, or indeed the questions referred for preliminary ruling. Continue reading

Matrix seminar – EU law and immigration

Ten days ago Aidan and Raza Husain QC spoke at the last of Matrix’s series of evening seminars on EU law as it applies to domestic practice areas.  The session was devoted to immigration law.  For those who are interested, here is Aidan’s paper on Free movement of EU citizens within the EU.  As we all know, the concept of citizenship has been explored in numerous judgments of the CJEU since the concept was introduced into EU law by the Treaty of Maastricht.  Aidan discusses the rights held by EU citizens with particular reference to the Charter of Fundamental Rights, touching on various topical issues including prisoner voting rights (which, as he makes clear, is not just an ECHR issue) and access to legal aid.

Watch out for the second paper, on EU asylum and refugee status law, next week.

Is the UK’s ‘opt-out’ from the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights worth the paper it is written on? Part 1.

Aidan O’Neill QC

The UK Government has long sought to play down the significance of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. In its negotiations around, and public presentation of, the substance of the Charter (as originally solemnly proclaimed in 2000) the position of the UK Government was that the Charter simply consolidated existing EU fundamental rights jurisprudence, contained no new rights and did not allow the courts any new powers. And when it was proposed that the Charter be incorporated into TEU by Treaty amendment, the UK sought an “opt-out” from certain of the Charter provisions, which is now contained in Protocol 30 to the Lisbon Treaty. In this series of posts EUtopia law considers the effectiveness of this self-proclaimed opt-out.

UK Governments over the past 20 years, of whatever political hue, have consistently shared a post-Thatcherite hostility to the idea of courts telling them what to do. Particular suspicion has focused, in this regard, on grand proclamations of fundamental rights contained in a variety of international instruments. In the past, our politicians were happy to sign up to these if they remained statements of eschatological hope only. More recent experience has been, however, that (national and international) courts have tended to get their hands on these documents and, taking international law seriously, transformed them into catalogues of justiciable individual rights. This transformation of aspiration into obligation is seen, from the political perspective, as a zero sum game: the increase in the jurisdiction of the courts to consider and adjudicate on these instruments has been experienced as a reduction in power for the politicians, giving them less room to manoeuvre. It is against this background that one can begin to understand the intent and purpose behind the proclaimed UK (subsequently joined by Poland) “opt-out” from provisions of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights set out in Protocol No 30 TEU.

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